Friday, March 31, 2017

Blog Stage 5 - Who's afraid of the locker room?



The new monster is in the locker room. No, it’s not Donald Trump’s locker room talk about unwanted sexual advances, and no, it’s not your own insecurity (or is it?). It’s the other people - trying to discreetly change without anyone noticing them or feeling shamed (so wait, is that you?). There has a been a wild new rash of anti-LGBTQ bills in states, in particular public discourse on sharing spaces with those that identify as transgendered. As the issue of trans-bodies is being contested in court rooms, the community is hitting legal pratfalls. There are no precedents of courts establishing them as a protected class, making them vulnerable to fundamentalist push-back.


Republican backlash aimed at critiquing social customs around LGBTQ acceptance could be possibly out of moral outrage, possibly in order to appear Republican-Bonafide to the socially conservative electorate. Whichever the case, scenarios are frighteningly scared up on podiums of deviant monsters lurking in locker rooms and bathrooms when crimes committed against transgender people happen at higher instances than the people propenents wish to shield. For instance, in 2015 it was reported that of TGQN (transgender, genderqueer, nonconforming) college students 21% had been sexually assaulted. That rate was 3% higher than gender conforming females. (1) The trans community experiences homicide rates far disproportionate to their population size. 2016 saw the highest homicide rates recorded at 24, just surpassing 2015, though likely more deaths go unrecorded. (2) Despite the majority of those targeted being transwomen of color, none of the cases in 2015 were able to be tried as hate crimes. (3) Trans-WOC are the most vulnerable in the subset due to their placement in the triad of racism, sexism, and transphobia. Key problems for the community as a whole are job discrimination and extreme poverty. Considering the difficulties it takes for a trans person to exist in our society, it begs the question of why this decade has seen a recent flurry of bills nationwide targeting LGBTQ rights and why the supreme court won’t make a precedent towards protecting them under the 14th amendment.


The court cases Romer V. Evans and Howe, et al. v. Haslam are good examples for teasing out where the courts stand on gender-identity and sexual identification. In Romer v. Evans, the Supreme Court ruled against Colorado’s anti-LGBTQ legislation on the basis that LGBT was not exactly a recognized class to be discriminated against (because who’s ever heard of homosexuals being singled out and discriminated?). Gender and sexual identification are scrutinized under the equal protection clause by “rational basis”,  meaning there aren’t precedents guaranteeing them protection as a group. In contrast, race, religion, and sex have more protections in place and are highly scrutinized over in court. The ruling that LGBTQ identifiers aren’t a defined class has lead to many politicians taking advantage of the ambiguity to short-circuit statewide anti-LGBT laws. The first to successfully piggy-back off Colorado was 2011’s Howe, et al. v. Haslam in Tennessee, where the state was able to pass “anti-anti-discrimination" laws. It was particularly in regards to protecting private businesses right to refuse services to gay couples. Thanks to the case in Colorado, they realized that they didn’t have to explicitly state their motive; making it more of a “freedom of choice” or a “you can be gay, but not on my face” issue.


The successful win in Tennessee spread to other states most notably in North Carolina and now Texas where strict bathroom and locker room stipulations are butting up against transgendered people in school and the workplace. The laws could potentially out them and infringe upon their own security for the benefit of others. While it is contested that the bill violates Title IX protecting against sexual discrimination, advocates state that it is sexual discrimination to force anyone to share bathrooms or changing rooms with someone who was born biologically different than them. (4)


Along with changing social values, legal battles like the anti-LGBTQ win in Tennessee and the Supreme Court win for gay marriage equality have lead to nationwide bills and discourse on how this unclassified group of people should be contained for the comfort of others. What right do other people have to know about such personal matters in ones life? Well that depends on whether you have the legal right to a personal life. The largely Republican body of politicians pushing the who’s-in your-pants?-agenda are protecting the interests of the socially conservative that elect them. Who is protecting the underrepresented transexual community? Not their constitution.




Friday, March 10, 2017

Blog Critique - Assignment 4

Dear Apathy: You’ve Trumped us” is a short call to action (written 2/27/17) by musician Joshua Thomas, who has published three opinion articles with The Huffington Post. I believe the article's intended audience was for anyone, though probably not aimed at the elderly who vote and are more civically engaged.

The writer makes the claim that American's are more disengaged from one another than ever before which has lead to Trump’s election. Though American media consumption isn’t the sole reason for Trump’s election, he proposes that it is the most troubling.

He argues that private-life privatization happened with the advent of television and got worse with media moving more and more into the nooks and crannies of people’s lives. Thomas supports that claim with a study by Robert D. Putman in 1996 which showed a decline in civic engagement:

“from 1965 to 1985, membership in community groups such as the PTA, Red Cross, the Elks club, and labor unions was down by 50 percent. Surveys also showed collective political participation down in huge percentage points from the 1970s to the 1990s.”

While Thomas asserts that television is to blame for the initial slide away from communal engagement, it is unclear whether he means to say that this was Putmans conclusion as well. From this point, his argument sort of slides into liberal soap-boxing to pick up arms, get off the couch and into the street. A cute quote, “the time has come for us to begin looking at each other again and to throw the selfie out the door.”

I don’t disagree with his statements, but I don’t think that his call is particularly helpful or new. The post Trump liberal mediasphere is plastered with appeals for change with little detail or direction. Perhaps he could be more specific: how did this media saturated election not get consumers out to vote? Could he make a stronger link between online news consumption and level of civic engagement? Could he divulge into why we are staying in our bubble more? What is it he propose we do once we are in the street?

He argues that organized protests like the Womens March are unignorable and catalyze change. To throw aside online discussion, go out and revolt. While I agree that protests are great for morale, I believe the days of large protests influencing policy based on showup alone are over. Let’s recall a similar administration during the Iraq war. George Bush jr. blatantly stated he wouldn’t be affected by world wide protests, anger fell to the wayside, and the occupation lingered on.

At the Austin Women's march I saw thousands of people walking hand in phone, live-feeding their experience. I spent more time reading or watching coverage about the march than actually there. A great contribution to morale was that we all saw each other on our facebooks and televisions. I don’t see a future where the “revolution will not be televised”. I’m not arguing that civil disobedience isn’t working. I’m arguing for this musician to make more substantive pleas. Go deeper, including in critiques against society and what to be done about it. “Seize the means of production!” could make for a hit pop song right about now.